Conservative by chance? The Polish model
- Nadia Dalla Gasperina
- 30 gen 2021
- Tempo di lettura: 4 min
Aggiornamento: 15 set 2024
Central Eastern Europe, for sure, is not the most liberal place on Earth, at least as far as politics goes. History, nationality issues, and complex strategies carried out by the neighbouring countries of this fairly small but crucial region, have pervaded it with a special and often problematic identity. In Poland, already in the late Soviet era environmentalists were fighting for the right to health, breathing through the polluted air of Upper Silesia and calling for alternatives to coal; then, women came, when abortion was made virtually impossible; and we all remember President Von Der Leyen scolding Poland about its rule of law issues during the Next Generation EU talks. In the next paragraphs we are going to look at the evolution of politics and society into the contemporary years.
De facto political pluralism was introduced in Poland in 1989 and since then has had a history of swinging right and left, but the turning point has been the election of the Law and Justice party, first in 2005, in a coalition with other right-wing and eurosceptic parties - just one year after the entrance of Poland in the European Union! Law and Justice has been continuously in the government for six years until now. The party has implemented extensive social welfare measures, promising many more in the years to come while looking forward to the 2023 elections. The reforms have been well-received by the public and have succeeded in reducing inequalities and the poverty rate, keeping inflation quite stable, and lowering the retirement age. In its program it has also initiated the “fights against immigrants”, like many of the EU countries have done, then expanding its rhetoric to more conservative arguments such as the preservation of a traditional society, therefore restraining lgbt+ and women’s rights.
There are many reasons why Poland seems to like conservative parties so much. First of all, it is still one of the poorest countries in the European Union; this is not a reason to be Eurosceptic, as the country results to be one of the net beneficiaries from the EU budget, but some of the policies enacted by the EU may be seen with suspicion from the people and used as instruments of propaganda from the government. The most obvious example is the struggle against migrants and their redistribution, seen as - we have heard it too many times to count - stealing jobs, not matching the culture, taking away religious values. This despite Poland’s unemployment rate being extremely low and the country needing more workforce. Moreover, in the wave of nationalism and rightwingtism that has taken over Europe in recent years, we can note a tendency of the poorest countries to vote for conservative ideologies. Similarly, the poorest regions of Poland vote more right-wing than the wealthiest regions.
Another point to make is about the values, history, and views of the Polish society. We must remember that Poland comes from a Communist outlook, that however less present than in other countries, was still strong and shaping everyday life. Equality and the perspective of a “just society” were only cover-ups for creating an effective society, dividing labour, and controlling the life of citizens, especially women, through a paternalistic sort of State. When Poland joined the European Union, mainly for economic reasons, it was thrown into a set of values that did not belong to it. The need to shield itself from “big powers”, be that Germany or Russia, is still perceived, considered Poland’s recent past in the context of territorial adjustments. One element of protection for any country viewing the neighbours as possible troubles is the role of the woman, made to enhance and enrich the society she belongs to, as well as creating a defensive barrier of people, by giving birth to as many children as possible of her own ethnicity. This is a reason for the very strict abortion laws in Poland, which have been established by a male-dominated government. Moreover, the Polish nation has been constituted on a “religious backbone”, which makes it even more difficult for the government - supported by religious lobbyists - to open up to liberal ideals. Older people also see the Church as an institution opposed to the Communist values due to which they deeply suffered. It is therefore hard to separate religion and politics, although women appear to be doing that when their freedom of choice is put at stake.
Economic development is another reason for conservatism: both youth and general unemployment rates have been going down since the Law and Justice leadership, the economy has grown, education is more widespread: why vote down a party that has done good for the country? Moreover, with a deeply criticized move at the limits of the rule of law, in 2017 the government has taken control of the funding for civil society organizations and NGOs, fundamentally financing only those organizations that are close to the party’s ideology. Although such move raised concerns among the intellectuals, CSOs and NGOs generally work closely to the people in need that only see their immediate concerns and not the wider picture of the context organizations work in. Similarly to the power of the Church, government-funded institutions are another reason not to change the system.
The question now remains for the future elections and action course of the Polish society on what will prevail: whether that will be the European values, aligned to the great support citizens still give to the European Union, or the conservative parties that are trying to implement and promise as many reforms as possible, that sometimes however hurt the rule of law and fundamental rights.
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